Slavery (Romanian: robie) existed on the territory of present-day Romania from before the founding of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia in 13th'14th century, until it was abolished in stages during the 1840s and 1850s. Most of the slaves were of Roma (Gypsy) ethnicity. Particularly in Moldavia there were also slaves of Tatar ethnicity, probably prisoners captured from the wars with the Nogai and Crimean Tatars. The abolition of slavery was carried out following a campaign by young revolutionaries who embraced the liberal ideas of the Enlightenment. Notable among them was Mihail Kogä�lniceanu, who drafted the legislation related to the abolition of slavery in Moldavia.
The exact origins of slavery in the Danubian Principalities are not known. Historian Nicolae Iorga associated the Roma people's arrival with the 1241 Mongol invasion of Europe and considered their slavery as a vestige of that era, the Romanians taking the Roma from the Mongols as slaves and preserving their status. Other historians consider that they were enslaved while captured during the battles with the Tatars. The practice of enslaving prisoners may also have been taken from the Mongols. The ethnic identity of the "Tatar slaves" is unknown, they could have been captured Tatars of the Golden Horde, Cumans, or the slaves of Tatars and Cumans.
While it is possible that some Romani people were slaves or auxiliary troops of the Mongols or Tatars, the bulk of them came from south of the Danube at the end of the 14th century, some time after the foundation of Wallachia. By then, the institution of slavery was already established in Moldavia and possibly in both principalities, but the arrival of the Roma made slavery a widespread practice. The Tatar slaves, smaller in numbers, were eventually merged into the Roma population.
Slavery was a common practice in Eastern Europe at the time (see Slavery in medieval Europe). Non-Christians in particular were taken as slaves in Christian Europe: in the Kingdom of Hungary, Saracens (Muslims) and Jewish Khazars were held as slaves until they were forced to convert to Christianity in the 13th century; Russians enslaved the prisoners captured from the Tatars (see Kholop), but their status eventually merged with the one of the serfs.
There is some debate over whether the Romani people came to Wallachia and Moldavia as free men or as slaves. In the Byzantine Empire, they were slaves of the state and it seems the situation was the same in Bulgaria and Serbia until their social organization was destroyed by the Ottoman conquest, which would suggest that they came as slaves who had a change of 'ownership'. The alternate explanation, proposed by Romanian scholar P. P. Panaitescu, was that following the Crusades, an important East-West trade route passed through the Romanian states and the local feudal lords enslaved the Roma for economic gain for lack of other craftsmen. However, this theory is undermined by the fact that slavery was present before the trade route gained importance. Historian Neagu Djuvara also supposes that Roma groups came into the two countries as free individuals and were enslaved by the hospodars and the landowning boyar elite.
The very first document attesting the presence of Roma people in Wallachia dates back to 1385, and refers to the group as aÅ�igani (from, athiganoi a Greek-language word for "heretics", and the origin of the Romanian term Å�igani, which is synonymous with "Gypsy"). The document, signed by Prince Dan I, assigned 40 sä�laÅ�e (hamlets or dwellings) of aÅ�igani to Tismana Monastery, the first of such grants to be recorded. In Moldavia, the institution of slavery was attested to for the first time in a 1470 Moldavian document, through which Moldavian Prince Stephan the Great frees Oanä�, a Tatar slave who had fled to Jagiellon Poland.
Anthropologist Sam Beck argues that the origins of Roma slavery can be most easily explained in the practice of taking prisoners of war as slaves, a practice with a long history in the region, and that, initially, free and enslaved Roma coexisted on what became Romanian territory.
There are some accounts according to which some of the Roma slaves had been captured during wars. For instance, in 1445, Vlad Dracul took by force from Bulgaria to Wallachia around 11,000-12,000 people "who looked like Egyptians", presumably Roma. A German-language Moldavian chronicle recorded that, in 1471, when Stephen confronted and defeated a Wallachian force led by Prince Radu cel Frumos at Soci, "he took with him [and] into slavery 17,000 Gypsies." The numbers were most likely exaggerated.
 Condition of the slaves
 General characteristics and slave categories
The two countries were for most of their history the only territory in Eastern and Central Europe where Roma slavery was legislated, and the place where this was most extended. As a consequence of this, British sociologist Will Guy describes Romania as a "unique case", and one of the fort main "patterns of development" in what concerns the Roma groups of the region (alongside those present in countries that have in the recent past belonged to the Ottomans, Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire).
Traditionally, Roma slaves were divided into three categories. The smallest was owned by the hospodars, and went by the Romanian-language name of Å�igani domneÅ�ti ("Gypsies belonging to the lord"). The two other categories comprised Å�igani mä�nä�stireÅ�ti ("Gypsies belonging to the monasteries"), who were the property of Romanian Orthodox and Greek Orthodox monasteries, and Å�igani boiereÅ�ti ("Gypsies belonging to the boyars"), who were enslaved by the category of landowners.
Each of the slave categories was divided into two groups: vä�traÅ�i and lä�ieÅ�i; the former was a sedentary category, while the latter was allowed to preserve its nomadism. The lä�ieÅ�i category comprised several occupational subgroups: alongside the Kalderash (cä�ldä�rari or "copper workers"), Lä�utari ("string instrument players"), Boyash (lingurari or "spoon makers") and Ursari ("bear handlers"), all of which developed as distinct ethic subgroups, they comprised the fierari ("smiths"). Among the fierari, the more valued were the specialized potcovari ("farriers"). Women owned by the boyars were often employed as housemaids in service to the boyaresses, and both them and some of the enslaved men could be assigned administrative tasks within the manor. From early on in the history of slavery in Romania, many other slaves were made to work in the salt mines. Medieval society allowed a certain degree of social mobility, as attested by the career of Åžtefan Rä�zvan, a Wallachian Roma slave who was able to rise to the rank of boyar, was sent on official duty to the Ottoman Empire, and, after allying himself with the Poles and Cossack groups, became Moldavian Prince (April-August 1595).
In addition to holding an enslaved population of native Roma, the countries were, for a brief interval during the early 18th century, a transit route, through which the Ottoman slave merchants joined the African trade with markets within the Tsardom of Russia. It was probably through this route that Abram Petrovich Gannibal, the African great-grandfather of poet Alexander Pushkin, was transported into Russia.
 Status and obligations
The slaves were considered personal property of the master, who was allowed to put them to work, selling them or exchanging them for other goods and the possessions of the slaves (usually cattle) were also at the discretion of the master. The master was allowed to punish his slaves physically, through beatings or imprisonment, but he or she did not have power of life and death over them, the only obligation of the master being to clothe and feed the slaves who worked at his manor. The usual treatment of slaves, Djuvara notes, was demeaning, and it was common for locals to believe that "one could not get anything [out of the Gypsies] without using a whip." In 1821, at a time when boyars in Moldavia fled their country to escape the Eterist expedition, Austrian authorities in Bukovina were alarmed to note that the newly-settled refugees made a habit of beating their slaves in public, on the streets of Czernowitz, and consequently issued an order specifically banning such practices. A dispute followed, after which the boyars received permission to carry on with the beatings, as long as they exercised them on private property.
The social prestige of a slave master was often proportional to the number and kinds of skilled slaves in his possession, outstanding cooks and embroiderers being used to symbolically demonstrate the high status of the boyar families. Good musicians, embroiderers or cooks were prized and fetched higher prices: for instance, in the first half of the 18th century, a regular slave was valued at around 20'30 lei, a cook would be 40 lei.
However, Djuvara, who bases his argument on a number of contemporary sources, also notes that the slaves were exceptionally cheap by any standard: in 1832, an contract involving the dowry of a boyaress shows that thirty Roma slaves were exchanged for one carriage, while the British diplomat William Wilkinson noted that the slave trade was a semi-clandestine matter, and that vä�traÅ�i slaves could fetch the modest sum of five or six hundred piastres. According to Djuvara's estimate, lä�ieÅ�i could be worth only half the sum attested by Wilkinson.
In the Principalities, the slaves were governed by common law. By the 17th century, the earliest written laws to mention slavery appeared. The Wallachian Pravila de la Govora (1640) and �Žndreptarea legii (1652) and the Moldavian Carte româneascä� de învä�Å�ä�turä� (1646), which, among other things, regulated slavery, were based on the Byzantine law on slavery and on the common law then in use. However, customary law (obiceiul pä�mântului) was almost always used in practice.
If a slave owned property, one would have to pay the same taxes as the free men. Usually, there was no tax on privately owned slaves, excepting for a short period in Moldavia: between 1711 and 1714, Phanariote Prince Nicholas Mavrocordatos introduced the Å�igä�nit ("Gypsy tax"), a tax of two galbeni (standard gold coins) on each slave owned. The domneÅ�ti slaves (some of whom were itinerant artisans), would have to pay a yearly tax named dajdie. Similarly, boyar-owned lä�ieÅ�i were required to gather at their master's household once a year, usually on the autumn feast of Saint Demetrius (presently coinciding with the October 26 celebrations in the Orthodox calendar). On the occasion, each individual over the age of 15 was required to pay a sum of between thirty and forty piastres.
 Legal disputes and disruption of the traditional lifestyles
(village) founded by Roma slaves, as depicted in an 1850s engraving.
Initially, and down to the 15th century, Roma and Tatar slaves were all grouped into self-administrating sä�laÅ�e. Their leaders, themselves slaves, were known as cneji, juzi or vä�tä�mani, and, in addition to sorting legal disputes, collected taxes and organised labour for the owners. With time, disputes between two Roma slaves were usually dealt by the community leaders, who became known as bulibaÅ�i. Occasionally, the larger slave communities elected themselves a baÅ�bulibaÅ�a, who was superior to the bulibaÅ�i and charged with solving the more divisive or complicated conflicts within the respective group. The system went unregulated, often leading to violent conflicts between slaves, which, in one such case attested for the 19th century, led to boyar intervention and the foot whipping of those deemed guilty of insubordination.
The disputes with non-slaves and the manslaughter cases were dealt by the state judiciary system. Slaves were not allowed to defend themselves in front of a court, but they were also not responsible to damage done to free men, the owner being accountable for any such damages, the compensation being sometimes the renunciation of the ownership of the slave to the other party. A slave who killed another slave was sentenced to death, but they could be given to the owner of dead slave. A freeman killing a slave was also liable for death penalty and a boyar was not allowed to kill his own slaves, but no such sentencing is attested. It is, however, believed that such killings did occur in significant numbers.
The Orthodox Church, itself a major slaveholder, did not contest the institution of slavery, although among the early advocates of the abolition was Eufrosin Poteca, a priest. Occasionally, members of the church hierarchy intervened to limit abuse against slaves it did not own: Wallachian Metropolitan Dositei demanded from Prince Constantine Ypsilantis to discourage his servants from harassing a young Roma girl named DomniÅ�a. The young woman was referred to as one of the domneÅ�ti slaves, although she had been freed by that moment.
Like many of the serfs in the two principalities, slaves were prone to escape from the estates and seek a better life on other domains or abroad, which made boyars organize search parties and make efforts to have them return. In the 16th century, the duties of collecting wartime tithes and of retrieving runaways were performed by a category called globnici, many of whom were also slaves. Beginning in the 17th century, much of the Kalderash population left the region to settle south into the Balkans, and later also moved into other regions of Europe.
A small section of the native Roma population managed to evade the system (either by not having been originally enslaved as a group, or by regrouping runaway slaves). They lived in isolation on the margin of society, and tended to settle in places where access was a problem. They were known to locals as netoÅ�i (lit. "incomplete ones", a dismissive term generally used to designate people with mental disorders or who display poor judgment). Around 1830, they became the target of regular manhunts, those captured being turned into Å�igani domneÅ�ti.
A particular problem regarded the vä�traÅ�i, whose lifestyle was heavily disrupted by forced settlement and the requirement that they perform menial labour. Traditionally, this category made efforts to avoid agricultural work in service of their masters. Djuvara argues that this was because their economic patterns were at a hunter-gatherer stage. Christine Reinhard, an early 19th century intellectual and wife of French diplomat Charles-Frédéric Reinhard, recorded that, in 1806, a member of the Moldavian Sturdza family employed a group of vä�traÅ�i at his factory. The project was reputedly abandoned after Sturdza realised he was inflicting intense suffering on his employees.
Roma artisans were occasionally allowed to practice their trade outside the boyar household, in exchange for their own revenue. This was the case of Lä�utari, who were routinely present at fairs and in public houses as independent tarafs. Slaves could own a number of bovines, but part of their other forms of revenue was collected by the master. In parallel, the lä�ieÅ�i are believed to have often resorted to stealing the property of peasants. According to Djuvara, Roma housemaids were often spared hard work, especially in cases where the number of slaves per household ensured a fairer division of labour.
 Marriage regulations and cases of sexual abuse
Marriage between two slaves was only allowed with the approval of the two owners, usually through a financial agreement which resulted in the selling of one slave to the other owner or through an exchange. When no agreement was reached, the couple was split and the children resulting from the marriage were divided between the two slaveholders. Slave owners kept strict records of their lä�ieÅ�i slaves, and, according to Djuvara, were particularly anxious because the parents of slave children could sell their offspring to other masters.
Marriage between a free person and a slave was initially possible only by the free person becoming a slave, although later on, it was possible for a free person to keep one's social status and that the children resulting from the marriage to be free people. During several periods in history, this kind of intercourse was explicitly forbidden: in 1804, Constantine Ypsilantis ordered the forceful divorce of one such couple, and issued an order to have priests sealing this type of unions to be punished by their superiors. Marital relations between Roma people and the majority ethnic Romanian population were rare, due to the difference in status and, as Djuvara notes, to an emerging form of racial prejudice. Nevertheless, extra-marital relationships between male slave owners and female slaves, as well as the rape of Roma women by their owners, were widespread, and the illegitimate children were themselves kept as slaves on the estate.
 Presence in neighboring regions
The slavery of the Roma in bordering Transylvania was found especially in the fiefs and areas under the influence of Wallachia and Moldavia, these areas keeping their practice of slavery even after they were no longer under Wallachian or Moldavian possession. The earliest record of Roma in Transylvania is from around 1400, when a boyar was recorded of owning 17 dwellings of Roma in Fä�gä�raÅ�, an area belong to Wallachia at the time. The social organization of Fä�gä�raÅ� was the same as in Wallachia, the Roma slaves being the slaves of boyars, the institution of slavery being kept in the Voivodate of Transylvania within the Kingdom of Hungary and in the autonomous Principality of Transylvania, being only abolished with the beginning of the Habsburg domination in 18th century. For instance, in 1556, Hungarian Queen Isabella JagieÅ�Å�o confirmed the possessions of some Recea boyars, which included Roma slaves. The deed was also confirmed in 1689 by Prince Michael I Apafi.
The estates belonging to the Bran Castle also held a large number of slaves, around 1500 at the beginning of the 16th century, the right of being a slaveholder being probably inherited from the time that the castle was owned by Wallachia. Areas under the influence of Moldavia also held slaves: for instance, it is known that Moldavian Prince Petru RareÅ� bought a family of Roma from the mayor of BistriÅ�a and that other boyars also bought slaves from Transylvania. However, only a minority of the Transylvanian Roma were slaves, most of them being "royal serfs", under the direct authority of the King, being only required to pay certain taxes and perform some services for the state, some groups of Roma being given the permission to travel freely throughout the country.
In 1775, Bukovina, the scene of the 1821 incidents, was annexed from Moldavia by the Habsburgs, and inherited the practice of slavery, especially since the many monasteries in the region held a large number of Roma slaves. The number of Roma living in Bukovina was estimated in 1775 at 800 families, or 4.6% of the population. Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor issued an order abolishing slavery on June 19, 1783, in Czernowitz, similar to other orders given throughout the Empire against slavery (see Josephinism). The order met the opposition of the large slaveholders: the Romanian Orthodox monasteries and the boyars. The boyars loudly pleaded their case to the authorities of Bukovina and Galicia, arguing that the banning of slavery was a transgression against the autonomy and traditions of the province, that bondage is the appropriate state for the Roma and that it was for their own good. It took a few more years until the order was fully implemented, but toward the end of the 1780s, the slaves officially joined the ranks of the landless peasantry. Many of the "new peasants" (as they were called in some documents) remained to work for the estates for which they were slaves, the liberation bringing little immediate change in their life.
After the eastern half of Moldavia, known as Bessarabia, was annexed by the Russian Empire in 1812 and later set up as a Bessarabia Governorate, the slave status for the Roma was kept. Slavery was legislated in the "Establishment of the organisation of the province of Bessarabia" act of 1818, by which the Roma were a social category divided into state slaves and private slaves, which belonged to boyars, clergy or traders. The Empire's authorities tried the sedentize the nomadic state slaves by turning them into serfs of the state. Two villages were created in Southern Bessarabia, Cair and Faraonovca (now both in Ukraine) by settling 752 Roma families. However, things did not go as expected, the state of the villages "sank to deplorable levels" and their inhabitants refused to pay any taxes. According to the 1858 census, in Bessarabia, there were 11,074 Roma slaves, of which 5,615 belonged to the state and 5,459 to the boyars. Slavery, together with serfdom, was only abolished by the emancipation laws of 1861. As a consequence, the slaves became peasants, continuing to work for their former masters or joining the nomadic Roma craftsmen and musicians.
 Estimates for the slave population
The Roma slaves were not included in the tax censuses and as such, there are no reliable statistics about them, the exception being the slaves owned by the state. Nevertheless, there were several 19th century estimates. According to Djuvara, the estimates for the slave population tended to gravitate around 150,000-200,000 persons, which he notes was equivalent to 10% of the two countries' population. At the time of the abolition of slavery, in the two principalities there were between 200,000 and 250,000 Roma, representing 7% of the total population.
||Jean Alexandre Vaillant
||Jean Henri Abdolonyme Ubicini
 Emergence of the abolitionist movement
The moral and social problems posed by Roma slavery were first acknowledged during the Age of Enlightenment, firstly by Western European visitors to the two countries. According to Romanian Djuvara: "There is no foreign visitor not to have been horrified by the sight of Gypsies in the Principalities."
The evolution of the Romanian society and the abolition of serfdom had no effect on the Roma, who, in 19th century, were subject to the same conditions they endured for centuries. It was only when the Phanariote regime was changed, soon after 1821, that the Romanian society began to modernise itself and various reforms were implemented (see Regulamentul Organic). However, the slavery of the Roma was not considered a priority and it was ignored by most reformers.
By the late 1830s, liberal and radical boyars had taken the first steps toward the anti-slavery goal. During that period, Ion Câmpineanu, like the landowning brothers Nicolae and Åžtefan Golescu, emancipated all their slave retinue. In 1836, Wallachian Prince Alexandru II Ghica freed 4,000 domneÅ�ti slaves and had a group of landowners sign them up as paid workforce, while instigating a policy through which the state purchased privately-owned slaves and set them free.
The emancipation of slaves owned by the state and Romanian Orthodox and Greek Orthodox monasteries was mentioned in the programme of the 1839 confederative conspiracy of Leonte Radu in Moldavia, giving them equal rights with the Romanians. In Wallachia, a memorandum written by Miticä� Filipescu proposed to put an end to slavery by allowing the slaves to buy their own freedom. The 1848 generation, which studied in Western Europe, particularly in Paris, returned to their countries with progressive views and a wish to modernize them following the West as an example. Slavery had been abolished in most of the "civilized world" and, as such, the liberal Romanian intelligentsia viewed its slavery as a barbaric practice, with a feeling of shame.
In 1837, Mihail Kogä�lniceanu published a book on the Roma people, in which he expressed the hope that it will serve the abolitionists. During the 1840s, the intellectuals began a campaign aimed at convincing the slaveholders to free their slaves. The Wallachian Cezar Bolliac published in his Foaie pentru Minte, Inimä� Å�i Literaturä� an appeal to intellectuals to support the cause of the abolitionist movement. From just a few voices advocating abolitionism in the 1830s, in the 1840s, it became a subject of great debate in Romanian society. The political power was in the hand of the conservative boyars, who were also owners of large numbers of slaves and as such disagreed to any reforms that might affect them.
 Laws on abolition
The earliest law which freed a category of slaves was in March 1843 in Wallachia, which transferred the control of the state slaves owned by the prison authority to the local authorities, leading to their sedentarizing and becoming peasants. A year later, in 1844, Moldavian Prince Mihail Sturdza proposed a law on the freeing of slaves owned by the church and state. In 1843, in Wallachia, a law of Prince Gheorghe Bibescu adopted by the Divan freed the slaves owned by the church and the rest of the slaves owned by the state institutions.
During the Wallachian Revolution of 1848, the agenda of the short-lived Provisional Government included the emancipation (dezrobire) of the Roma as one of the main social demands. The Government decreed the complete emancipation of the Roma by compensating the owners and it made a commission (made out of three members: Bolliac, Ioasaf Znagoveanu, and Petrache Poenaru), which was intended to implement the decree. Some boyars freed their slaves without asking for compensation, while others strongly fought against the idea of abolition. Nevertheless, after the revolution was quelled by Ottoman and Imperial Russian troops, the slaves returned to their previous status.
By the 1850s, after its tenets were intensely popularized, the movement gained support from almost the whole of Romanian society, the issues of contention being the exact date of Roma freedom, and whether their owners would receive any form of compensation (a measure which the abolitionists considered "immoral").
In Moldavia, in December 1855, following a proposal by Prince Grigore Alexandru Ghica, a bill drafted by Mihail Kogä�lniceanu and Petre Mavrogheni was adopted by the Divan; the law emancipated all slaves to the status of taxpayers (that is, citizens). The measure was brought about by a personal tragedy: Ghica and the public opinion at large were scandalized when Dincä�, the slave and illegitimate child of a Cantacuzino boyar, was not allowed to marry his French mistress and go free, which had led him to murder his lover and kill himself. The owners would receive a compensation of 8 galbeni for lingurari and vä�traÅ�i and 4 galbeni for lä�ieÅ�i, the money being provided by the taxes paid by previously freed slaves.
In Wallachia, only two months later, in February 1856, a similar law was adopted by the National Assembly, paying a compensation of 10 galbeni for each slave, in stages over a number of years. The freed slaves had to settle to a town or village and stay there for at least two censuses and they would pay their taxes to the compensation fund.
Support for the abolitionists was reflected in Romanian literature of the mid-19h century. The issue of the Roma slavery became a theme in the literary works of various liberal and Romantic intellectuals, many of whom were active in the abolitionist camp. Cezar Bolliac published poems such as Fata de boier Å�i fata de Å�igan ("The boyar's daughter and the Gypsy daughter", 1843), Å�iganul vândut ("Sold Gypsy", 1843), O Å�igancä� cu pruncul sä�u la Statuia Libertä�Å�ii ("A Gypsy woman with her baby at the Statue of Liberty", 1848), Ion Heliade Rä�dulescu wrote a short story named Jupân Ion (roughly, "Master John", from the Romanian-language version of Å�upan; 1844), Vasile Alecsandri also wrote a short story, Istoria unui Galbân ("History of a gold coin", 1844), while Gheorghe Asachi wrote a play called Å�iganii ("The Gypsies", 1856) and V. A. Urechia the novel Coliba Mä�riucä�i ("Mä�riuca's cabin", 1855). A generation later, the fate of Åžtefan Rä�zvan was the inspiration for Rä�zvan Å�i Vidra ("Rä�zvan and Vidra", 1867), a play by Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu.
The Romanian abolitionist movement was also influenced by the much larger movement against Black slavery in the United States through press reports and through a translation of Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin. Translated by Theodor Codrescu and first published in IaÅ�i in 1853, under the name Coliba lui MoÅ�u Toma sau ViaÅ�a negrilor în sudul Statelor Unite din America (which translates back as "Uncle Toma's Cabin or the Life of Blacks in the Southern United States of America"), it was the first American novel to be published in Romanian, and it included a foreword study on slavery by Mihail Kogä�lniceanu. Beecher Stowe's text was also the main inspiration behind Urechia's 1855 novel.
The impact of slavery on Romanian society became a theme of historiographic interest in the decades after the Romanian Revolution of 1989. In 2007, Prime Minister Cä�lin Popescu-Tä�riceanu approved the creation of Comisia pentru Studierea Robiei Romilor ("Commission for the Study of Roma Slavery"), which will present its findings in a report and will make recommendations for the Romanian education system and on promoting the history and culture of the Roma. The commission, presided upon by Neagu Djuvara, will also recommend the creation of a museum of the Roma, a research center, a Roma slavery commemoration day and the building of a memorial dedicated to Roma slavery.
- ^ a b c d Achim, p.27-28
- ^ Achim, p.27-28; Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ Achim, p.29; Åžtefä�nescu, p.41, 42
- ^ Achim, p.29
- ^ Achim, p.28
- ^ a b Achim, p.29-30
- ^ a b c d e Djuvara, p.267
- ^ Djuvara, p.267; Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ a b c d e f g h Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ a b c Achim, p.36
- ^ a b Beck, p.56
- ^ Beck, p.56; Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ a b Guy, p.44
- ^ Djuvara, p.267; Guy, p.43-44
- ^ Djuvara, p.267-268; Guy, p.43-44
- ^ Djuvara, p.267-268
- ^ Djuvara, p.268; Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ a b c d e f g Djuvara, p.268
- ^ Achim, p.41
- ^ a b Dieudonné Gnammankou, "The Slave Trade to Russia", in Doudou Diène (ed.), From Chains to Bonds. The Slave Trade Revisited, UNESCO & Berghahn Books, New York, 2001, p.68-69. ISBN 1-57181-265-2
- ^ Achim, p.35; Djuvara, p.270, 272; Guy, p.44; Åžtefä�nescu, p.42
- ^ Achim, p.35; Djuvara, p.267, 270
- ^ Achim, p.35; Djuvara, p.270, 272; Åžtefä�nescu, p.43
- ^ a b Djuvara, p.272
- ^ Beck, p.60; Djuvara, p.268
- ^ Beck, p.60
- ^ a b c Djuvara, p.270
- ^ a b c d e Achim, p.37
- ^ Achim, p.37; Djuvara, p.268-269
- ^ a b c d e Djuvara, p.269
- ^ a b Åžtefä�nescu, p.43
- ^ Achim, p.97; Djuvara, p.270-271
- ^ Achim, p.97
- ^ Djuvara, p.270-271
- ^ a b Djuvara, p.271
- ^ Åžtefä�nescu, p.42, 43
- ^ Guy, p.43-44
- ^ Djuvara, p.267, 272
- ^ a b Achim, p.38-39; Djuvara, p.268
- ^ Achim, p.38-39; Djuvara, p.271
- ^ Achim, p.38-39
- ^ Djuvara, p.271-272
- ^ Djuvara, p.272-275
- ^ a b Achim, p.42
- ^ a b Achim, p.43
- ^ Achim, p.43-44
- ^ Achim, p.127-128
- ^ a b Achim, p.128
- ^ Achim, p.130
- ^ a b Achim, p.131
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Achim, p.94-95
- ^ Achim, p.94-95; Djuvara, p.269
- ^ Achim, p.94-95; Djuvara, p.269-270
- ^ Achim, p.96
- ^ a b Djuvara, p.275
- ^ a b c d Achim, p.99-100
- ^ a b Achim, p.98
- ^ a b Achim, p.108-109; Djuvara, p.275
- ^ Achim, p.96, 110; Djuvara, p.275
- ^ Achim, p.110; Djuvara, p.275
- ^ Achim, p.101-102
- ^ Djuvara, p.275-278
- ^ Achim, p.111
- ^ Achim, p.110; Djuvara, p.278
- ^ a b Achim, p.110
- ^ Achim, p.100-101
- ^ a b Marcel Cornis-Pope, "The Search for a Modern, Problematizing Historical Consciousness: Romanian Historical Fiction and Family Cycles", in Marcel Cornis-Pope, John Neubauer (eds.), History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe, Vol. I, John Benjamins, Amsterdam & Philadelphia, 2004, p.500. ISBN 9027234523
- ^ (Romanian) "Tä�riceanu face comisie pentru studierea robiei romilor", in Gândul, 21 February 2007
- ^ (Romanian) "Comisia pentru Studierea Robiei Romilor ' la prima întâlnire, în faÅ�ä� abordä�rii unui subiect controversat", press release of the National Agency for the Roma, 28 August 2007
- Viorel Achim, The Roma in Romanian History, Central European University Press, Budapest, 2004. ISBN 9639241849
- Will Guy, Between Past and Future: The Roma of Central and Eastern Europe, University of Hertfordshire Press, Hatfield, 2001. ISBN 1902806077
- Neagu Djuvara, �Žntre Orient Å�i Occident. Å�ä�rile române la începutul epocii moderne, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1995. ISBN 973-28-0523-4
- Åžtefan Åžtefä�nescu, Istoria medie a României, Vol. I, Editura Universitä�Å�ii din BucureÅ�ti, Bucharest, 1991
- Sam Beck, "The origins of Gypsy slavery in Romania", in Dialectical Anthropology, Volume 14, Number 1 / March, 1989, Springer, p.53-61